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How Loudoun County Got Its Name
By Dr. Dave Williams, Lincoln, VA
(this originally appeared in "The Blue Ridge Leader"
More
on Loudoun's Beginnings »
Lauding Lord Loudoun
The recent news that most of western Loudoun
has been proposed as a "Mosby
Heritage Area" stirred to life an old curiosity of mine about the origins
of the name of our county. Lord
Loudoun [leave site], so it turns out, never even visited
Virginia though he had been named our governor. But that was the least of his
sins. Despite being in America for only two short years, from 1756 when he was
appointed military commander of all the British troops in North America to 1758
when he was fired, he managed to leave quite a trail of debris behind him. And
because our county was formed in 1757, we got stuck with his name.
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Lord Loudoun
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John Campbell, a wealthy scots aristocrat, became the fourth Earl
of Loudoun and thus "Lord Loudoun" upon the death of his father. The young earl
showed his military prowess during the royalist uprising of 1745 when according
to one historian he "had demonstrated his professionalism by marching undauntedly
from one defeat to another." After losing almost all the men of his regiment,
he received another regiment and lost again at Inverness. At a third battle he
was "throne into a panic by the bluffing of a blacksmith and other four," and
then in a move which would become his trademark and motto bided his time sitting
out the war till after the Battle of Culloden. He was described by Massachusetts
Governor Shirley as "a pen and ink man whose greatest energies were put
forth in getting ready to begin."
Ten years later, after Braddock's army was destroyed during the French
and Indian War, due to his social standing and his attention to bureaucratic
niceties,
this "master
of army paper work, this general of the pen" was appointed to save British
America from the French. To list all of his military disasters and stupid decisions
would be enough to make you wonder how the British ever won any war. Only the
superior incompetence of their enemy, the French, made victory even a remote
possibility.
Loudoun's arrival in North America was characteristically delayed
but quickly followed by his first blunder. Ignoring the advice of the
local colonials
like George Washington, who had accompanied Braddock and seen what the
French and
Indians could do to British regulars, Loudoun did nothing to fortify the
remaining western forts. Warned that Oswego was in danger of falling, Loudoun
went to
Albany, as near as he could get to the war front, and promptly got bogged
down in a dispute
over the purchase of provisions. While he haggled, Oswego fell to the French.
While encamped at Albany, Loudoun's most notable act was to issue an order
putting the colonial militias under British commanders despite explicit
agreements that
the colonial troops would fight under their own leaders. This lead to a
long period of political wrangling during which no fighting could take
place.
Loudoun's one strategic move, again against local advice, was to
abandon the face off in the western frontier and to gather his troops
instead to
take the
French seaport fort of Louisbourg in Nova Scotia, far from the scene
of the actual fighting. Preparations for this were long and difficult
and
delayed. "Bumblingly
true to form," as one historian noted, "Loudoun dithered while the
French concentrated a fleet at Louisbourg superior to theirs." Instead of
attacking the fort when he could, Loudoun had his men exercise and plant cabbage
in preparation for a long siege. Eventually, he was forced to abandon the entire
effort and return to New York without firing a shot. Meanwhile, the French, seeing
their opportunity, attacked the weakened British forts on the Western frontier.
As predicted by the colonials, Fort William Henry was overrun and taken.
After Loudoun was recalled, Benjamin Franklin himself declared his
campaigns to have been "frivolous, expensive, and disgraceful to our nation beyond
conception." He was, said Franklin, always busy but accomplishing nothing: "He
was like St. George on a tavern sign, always on horseback and never riding on."
Loudoun and American Independence
We can proud, in a backward sort of way, that the man after whom
our fair county is named, whatever his military mishaps, had a very
important
hand
in forming
some of the principles of the Declaration of Independence.
John Campbell, the Scottish aristocrat and officer who held the title
Lord Loudoun, became titular Governor of Virginia and supreme commander
of all
the British
forces in North America after the disastrous defeat of Braddock in
the French and Indian Wars. He was, by all historical accounts, not
only
the most inept,
the most incompetent, the most arrogant, and the most sluggish, but
also the most tyrannical agent of the British crown that American colonials
ever suffered
under.
Among his many crimes was Loudoun's insistence that the colonial
governments quarter his troops, that is put them up in their taverns
and barracks,
and if no room was available there to force them upon private citizens
in their
homes.
Loudoun's insistence on this was an early warning to many that the
King's subjects in the colonies did not have the rights of of other
Englishmen.
In those days, the British army was made up the scum of society.
Soldiers were often "recruited" from jails, poorhouses, or from the cities' streets.
They were known for their barbarity and brutality, and were rightly feared by
the populace. One historian described the Americans' horror at quartering these "lewd
and viscious outcasts of society," by asking, "How could a respectable
churchgoing head of family expose his wife and daughters to depraved men in such
intimacy that intercourse daily might result in intercourse nightly?"
Nevertheless, to every colonial assembly's refusal to allow such
quartering in their communities, Loudoun bullied and threatened until
he got his
way. The Quakers
of Pennsylvania tried to resist without success. In New York, when
the colonial government refused to allow him to quarter his troops,
he responded "G_D
D__n my blood! If you do not billet my officers upon free quarters this day,
I'll order here all the troops in North America under my command, and billet
them myself upon this city."
This threat worked so well that he then used it in Boston. There,
the government, more willing to spend money to avoid disaster, had
built
barracks. But
Loudoun wanted his officers to live in comfort in town. When the Bostonians
insisted
that there was adeqate space in the barracks they had built, Loudoun
wrote, "If
on return I find things not settled, I will instantly order into Boston the three
battalions from New York, Long Island, and Connecticut. If more are wanted I
have two in the Jerseys, at hand besides those in Pennsylvania."
Such behavior was bad enough, but in order to find soldiers, Loudoun
kidnapped unwilling citizens right off the cities' streets. In one
notorious impressment
campaign, he sent in his troops at midnight and dragged 800 men at
random, almost a fourth of the male population, out of their homes
and off the
streets of New
York to fight in his Louisbourg Campaign. And then, of course, he bided
his time for so long that he never got around to using them.
Twenty years later, 1n 1776, such tyrannical behavior as that represented
by these and other "quartering acts" was still a painful memory. It was
because of the highhinded behavior of Brits like Lord Loudoun that the colonials
were driven to rebel. And they remembered him when the Declaration was written.
According to one eminent historian of the era, "When they published their
Declaration of Independence in 1776, some of their grievances had arisen relatively
recently, but others can be traced back to Earl Loudoun's mission and behavior."
Loudoun the man
Lord Loudoun can best be understood as a representative of the British
aristocratic class of the 1700s. He lived in an age when ones family
name and title were the guarantees of power and privilege. No amount
of stupidity, venality, or licentiousness could reduce the benefits
of having been born into a noble family.
Thus, when John Campbell became Lord Loudoun, his military career
was set, no matter that he proved himself incompetent. Money also helped,
choice positions
in the army being for sale to the highest aristocratic bidder. So his title,
his family money, and his connections, not his ability or brains, shaped
his career.
Most historians have noted his attention to detail. Indeed, it was
this slow and deliberate approach to every problem which made him so
often late to
so many battles. But there was a fun-loving side to Lord Loudoun too. Like
most
of the members of his social class, he enjoyed the creature comforts.
When he finally set sail for North America in 1756, already months
overdue, he took with him wine, silverware, dinner plate and other
essentials such
as two secretaries, a surgeon, seventeen personal servants, including,
according to his doting biographer, Stanley Pargellis, "a 'matter de hotel,'a 'vallet
de chamber', a cook, a groom, a coachman, a postilon, a footmen, helpers, and
two women, one of them, Jean Masson, his mistress." He also remembered
to bring his own nineteen horses "with their housings of green velvet
and of black and gold, his travelling coach, his chariot, his street coach."
Every evening, when he wasn't travelling, Loudoun hosted a full dinner
table. At his first Christmas in the colonies, they consumed in one
week nineteen
dozen bottles of claret, thirty-one dozen of Madeira, a dozen of Burgundy,
four bottles of Port, and eight of Rhinewine. According to the usually
protective Pargellis, the conversation of these military leaders "abounded in the
application of such military terms as scaling ladders, approaches, and stolen
marches, to the conquest of colonial beauties. Of these the loveliest was charming
Polly Philipse, heiress to Philipse Manor, in whose 'Dependent Company' no
British officer with a spark of manhood in him failed at one time or another
to enlist. Even Loudoun 'muster'd occasionally.'"
Such behavior disgusted the sober Puritans and Quakers, irritated
the practical and parsimonious politicians like Ben Franklin, and outraged
many other
church-going colonials. Loudoun didn't care. He ridiculed the colonials
as "enthusiastic
saints" and demonstrated his respect for religion by seizing one Dutch
church, removing the pews, and using it for a powder magazine. The ever-forgiving
Pargellis notes that though Loudoun and his aides might consider it diplomatic
to attend church on occasion, "the army in general reflected the spiritual
apathy of some parts of the eighteenth-century Church of England."
That, of course, is putting it mildly. When the colonials revolted,
they were, according to our foremost Revolutionary War historian
Gordon Wood,
rejecting
the whole aristocratic world of corrupt privilege of which Loudoun
was so excellent an example. After the revolution, the few remnants
of that
world
slowly disappeared
in the North. The South, still loyal to the likes of Lord Loudoun,
tried to maintain a shadow feudalism, a kind of bumpkin aristocracy
based on
slavery. But even that was finally conquered in the Civil War.
Today, in Loudoun County, there remains of that world only a few
proud aging Virginia Gentlemen, would-be lords sitting on the surviving
acres
of their
family estates in solitary glory. When the developers turn their
farms into malls and townhouses, only the name of Loudoun will
remain to
remind us of
the not-so-glorious past.
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